How to Define Japanese Nationalism

To anyone interested in the question of nationalism in Japan, I recommend reading Kevin M. Doak’s A History of Nationalism in Modern Japan, published in 2007 and reviewed by Yoshihisa Tak Matsusaka in Monumenta Nipponica 62:4 (an excerpt of the review appeared in The Japan Times on June 22, 2008). There is another excellent review of the book here.
The author is a Georgetown University professor who says in the preface that, “My effort to provide a comprehensive analysis of Japanese nationalism has occupied—indeed, all too often, preoccupied—my thinking, research and publications for most of my professional career.”
The book is not without its faults, but is still well worth reading. One nice thing is that it’s almost completely devoid of jargon. Not once does vocabulary like “trope”, “rubric”, “paradigm”, or other such language so loved by historians and sociologists appear in its pages. Another of its strong points is that professor Doak does an excellent job of defining his terms. He says this in the opening paragraph:
“Much of what is written about Japanese nationalism is not really about nationalism at all. This is the first paradox that anyone who wishes to understand the past, present and future of Japanese nationalism must confront. It is not only true about academic writing on nationalism in Japan, but a fortioro of journalistic accounts of “rising nationalism” or “neo-nationalism” that plague so many of the contemporary English language media reports on politics in Japan. When narratives of this “neo-nationalism” in Japan today are tied, implicitly or explicitly, to the historical militarism and expansionism of Imperial Japan during World War II, then misunderstanding of Japanese nationalism only deepens.”
Here is his definition of nationalism:
“Put succinctly, nationalism is a principle that asserts the people as the privileged principle of political life. But this principle of the people is more than a political one. It makes certain claims that go to the heart of identity, individual and collective, and as such it can place itself in a conflicting relationship with the state. It certainly did so for much of modern Japanese history.”
Professor Doak also points out that the English word “nationalism”, besides often being used imprecisely, is basically a rather vague term that can be variously translated into Japanese. He makes a distinction between minzokushugi (ethnic nationalism) and kokuminshugi (civic nationalism), the former being populist and chauvinistic, the latter a healthy form of nationalism essential to any democracy. To simplify, it could be said that at times in its modern history Japan has suffered from a surfeit of the former, and at all times a shortage of the latter. That view reconciles the apparent dichotomy of the excessive pride some Japanese display toward their country’s culture, language, or seasons with the general cynicism and apathy felt toward domestic politics; and also explain what Japanese people mean when they say that they and their compatriots lack nationalism.
Robert Dujarric said in his Japan Times editorial of July 30, which was featured in a recent post on Japan Probe, that “Japanese diplomats are as likely as those of the Holy See to resort to threats of force.” That’s accurate. But that doesn’t mean that nationalism is not a Japanese problem, it only means that militarism is not a Japanese problem.
One problem that Japan has is a lack of what Doak terms civic nationalism. Though there are signs that the situation is improving, many Japanese still exhibit a general reluctance to accept the responsibilities of the citizens of a democracy, like voting for candidates based on their policies, or being willing to take part in the new lay judge system that will be introduced next May.
Japan also has a problem with ethnic nationalism. Even though the Ainu were recently officially recognized as an indigenous people of Japan, the fact of the very existence of minorities in Japan is still barely acknowledged in day to day life.

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